Statehood Plebiscite in Caribbean Business

Varios escritos sobre la Estadidad en el Caribbean Business

Statehood Plebiscite in Caribbean Business

P.R.-USA Foundation sees ‘time bomb’ in status plebiscite

By : CB STAFF  -Volume: 40 | No: 1  Page : 28 Issued : 01/12/2012
Leading Statehood advocacy group says murky language in law could mislead voters

The recent enactment of a two-part referendum to help solve the seemingly eternal dilemma of Puerto Rico’s political status was an occasion for celebration for some on the island.

For others, the reaction to the plebiscite—both parts of which will be held Nov. 6, during the island’s general elections—was something far less than celebratory. What’s more, supporters and naysayers don’t necessarily divide neatly along major-party lines.

The first part of the referendum will ask voters if they want a change in status or prefer to remain a U.S. commonwealth. If they vote for change, the second part will ask that voters to choose from three options: Statehood, independence or sovereign free association.

Critics of the latest status vote—drafted by the New Progressive Party (NPP)-controlled Legislature and signed into law by Gov. Luis Fortuño, the NPP leader—aren’t limited to officials and members of the opposition Popular Democratic Party (PDP). The mainstream of the PDP favors maintaining, perhaps with minor modifications, the political status quo—Puerto Rico’s commonwealth status—with respect to the U.S.

One vocal critic is John Regis Jr., who, as president of the Puerto Rico-USA Foundation, is one of the island’s staunchest Statehood advocates.

“During the public hearings in both House and Senate, as well as the discussions during the voting process in both chambers, there was considerable discussion on when and how to hold the plebiscite—in two separate dates, all on the same day, on the same day as the general election, on another date, whatever,” Regis told CARIBBEAN BUSINESS. “Nobody could reach an agreement. They all focused their discussion on an unimportant issue, and they all ignored a real and potential time bomb that nobody recognized or that they simply didn’t understand.”

That “time bomb,” Regis said, “is the result of the inexplicably used definition for free association, which is the textual definition used in the Popular Democratic Party platform under the title of ‘Sovereign Free Associated State.’ It states that this status ‘will be based in a free and voluntary political association, of which specific terms shall be agreed upon between the United States and Puerto Rico as sovereign nations. Said accord shall specify the depth of the judicial powers that the people of Puerto Rico shall authorize to leave in the hands of the United States, and it shall retain the rest of the judicial powers or authorities.’”

Regis’ alarm over the wording in the plebiscite law stems from his recognition that “none of this is necessarily correct [with regard to] a free associated state.” The danger of the law as written, he said, lies in its omission of any language calling attention to the fact that the condition of free association is a transitory one.

Free association, he pointed out, is merely a weigh station on the road to independence, and the road only runs one way.

“What this definition fails to express is that this is a pact for a specific time period of 15 to 20 years,” Regis said. “It doesn’t state that [U.S.] American citizenship isn’t possible; that federal transfers won’t be the same, but rather only a fraction of what we are receiving on a per capita basis; that many of the federal agencies won’t exist, nor will the federal courts or the protection under the Constitution of the United States.

“Free association is a completely independent jurisdiction, and at the end of the time term, the ‘association’ is eliminated with only the pure independent state remaining. This status change is totally irreversible. There is no possibility of a coming back, not even to the present ELA [or estado libre asociado, also known as commonwealth, which refers to the current official form of government of the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico].”

Regis fears that with such a weak definition, the electorate could be deceived into thinking they were voting for “a continuation of the existing free associated state, that it is the culmination of ELA.”

“The fact that this definition is similar, and is even used in the PDP platform, gives validity to this theory of [the potential for] fraud or deceit,” he said. “The danger is that if a political party takes advantage of this definition and succeeds in deceiving the electorate into sending this formula to victory in the plebiscite—even if it isn’t really what the people want—then Congress will interpret the results as the people of Puerto Rico having expressed themselves and would begin the process of granting [the island the status of] a free associated state, an independent state, with some agreements of protection and administration with the United States.

“We can then forget the possibility of becoming a state, or remaining an ELA, forever.”

Regis noted that his organization objected to the use of the PDP definition of free associated state “from the start,” but to no avail.

“The law has been approved and the process defined,” he said. “Now it is of the utmost importance to start an education process with the electorate, so that they can make intelligent decisions based on accurate and specific information.”

NPP approves 2-stage status plebiscite

By : CB STAFF  Volume: 39 | No: 25  Page : 46  Issued : 06/30/2011

The New Progressive Party directorate signed off on a two-stage plebiscite process to resolve Puerto Rico’s political-status issue.

The first referendum asks voters whether they want to maintain the current commonwealth status under the territorial clause of the U.S. Constitution or they prefer a nonterritorial option.

If more voters check the nonterritorial option, a second vote would be held giving people three status options: Statehood, independence or free association.

Aponte urges Statehood-independence vote in 2011

By : EVA LLORÉNS VÉLEZ
Volume: 39 | No: 10
Page : 24
Issued : 03/17/2011
Former House Speaker says most commonwealth supporters will vote for Statehood; PDP ‘poses no threat’ to Fortuño: ‘a leader sure of himself,’ in 2012

As he expressed hope the administration of Gov. Luis Fortuño will deal with the status issue this year, New Progressive Party (NPP) Rep. José Aponte Hernández said he believes, given the option between Statehood and independence only, the majority of the commonwealth supporters will vote for Statehood.

The former House speaker made his remarks during an interview with CARIBBEAN BUSINESS in which he shared his thoughts on island status, current House Speaker Jenniffer González, Fortuño and his plans for the future.

CB: Former Gov. Pedro Rosselló has said publicly that he doesn’t think a status vote should be held this year. How much weight do you give to his opinion?

JA: Yesterday, after the citizenship activity, it pleased me that the governor told me “we have to talk about status.” I don’t know what his idea on status is. I believe there has to be a consultation this year.…My feeling is that he is open to the idea…that the consultation must be between Statehood and independence. Commonwealth isn’t an alternative, just as it would be just a waste of time to do a plebiscite next year….If we wait, there will always be something. The ball is in our court. In February, March and April [2012,] there will be primaries, they will be looking at something else. The probability will be zero that they will do something. We have time to legislate here, so we can appoint a commission to deliver the results to Congress so they can do something between September and December.

CB: The White House is slated to issue a report soon on Puerto Rico. What if they include commonwealth?

JA: If the White House includes commonwealth as an option, then they wasted their time. They have to look for noncolonial, nonterritorial options. Puerto Rico is under the territorial clause and commonwealth isn’t an option to resolve the island status.

CB: The Popular Democratic Party (PDP) is a centrist party. There are a lot of people who support commonwealth status as it is and are happy with it. What about abstention?

JA: It all depends on how you consult the people. If we take the substitute bill from 2005 (approved by both chambers, but rejected by former Gov. Aníbal Acevedo Vilá), it didn’t include any status formula, it was merely a yes-or-no vote to demand that Congress act on status. What are they going to do? Given the option, I am convinced the majority will vote.

CB: One doesn’t have to be a mind reader to know that if you give people the option to vote between Statehood and independence, most people will vote for Statehood because, historically, independence has gotten fewer votes. So, why would we want to hold a vote in the first place?

JA: Statehood or independence. For most, the permanent union represents adequate healthcare. How much are we losing in health-related funds because we aren’t a state? Do people want to have better or worse healthcare? We applauded like seals when they gave us breadcrumbs, the $900 million. As a state, we would get $2.5 billion. How much are we losing? Do we want to move forward or stay midway?

CB: Yes, but there are a lot of people who do support the commonwealth status. Wouldn’t they be left out?

JA: Voters are divided into 40% commonwealth, 3% independence and 47% Statehood. Of that 40%, we can’t lose the perspective that if they have to vote, more than 50% would be voting for Statehood. On the issue that a group isn’t given the choice to express themselves, why don’t they take the risk of voting for Statehood or independence? How much are we losing in health, education, simply because we don‘t resolve the status issue?

CB: While we will get more federal funds under Statehood, there are a lot of states that aren’t doing well economically. They say the NPP doesn’t have an economic plan forStatehood. What is the NPP’s economic plan under Statehood?

JA: Who says there is no plan? What we have to do is reinforce what we currently have….People don’t recognize that there are companies that don’t come to Puerto Rico because of its political instability….Under independence, for a lot of people, the economic plan will be to buy a plane ticket to the U.S.

CB: What do you think of Gov. Luis Fortuño? You didn’t support him in the past.

JA: The PDP poses no threat to Fortuño. I didn’t support him in the 2008 primary, but once he won, I told him he had all of my support. What did Sila do? What did Aníbal do? Destroyed our economic basis. Fortuño has recovered the trust of the credit-rating agencies and provided stability….Fortuño has worked hard, even though there are things he should have done in another way.

CB: Where do you think he has failed?

JA: Communication. His worst problem is that he hasn’t been effective in the communication process. However, when he gave his speech on tax reform, I saw a leader sure of himself, very different from the beginning of the four-year term.

CB: What do you think about House Speaker Jenniffer González?

JA: Our communication has always been direct and open….It isn’t up to me to judge her, but to all of her colleagues.

CB: Are you going to be House speaker again?

JA: Right now, I am working to ensure the NPP wins the election. I am seeking re-election in the House. Once that happens, I will make decisions.

PDP chief puts forth conditions for participation in plebiscite

By : JOHN MARINO
Volume: 39 | No: 7
Page : 40
Issued : 02/24/2011
Ferrer: Commonwealth, and its ability to grow, must be reflected on the ballot

Popular Democratic Party (PDP) President Héctor Ferrer said his party should only participate in a local plebiscite if commonwealth is on the ballot and its ability to grow in the federal and international spheres is recognized.

In an exclusive interview with CARIBBEAN BUSINESS, Ferrer said the PDP Governing Board and its General Council ultimately would decide whether to participate, but that it was his personal belief that these conditions should be a litmus test for the party.

“My personal position is that we should participate in the legislative process, but if we are excluded from the ballot, and the makeup of the ballot is a way to give Statehood an edge that it doesn’t have, then I don’t see us participating,” Ferrer said.

Gov. Luis Fortuño reiterated last week that he wanted a plebiscite to take place before the end of this term. With general elections next year, most New Progressive Party (NPP) officials, including Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, say realistically that means the status vote would have to take place this year.

While Ferrer doesn’t support free association, he said he has “no problem” including it on the ballot, but that commonwealth would have to be on the ballot as well.

“In order for us to participate, commonwealth has to be there, and you have to recognize the possibility that commonwealth can grow in both the federal and international systems,” Ferrer said.

Ferrer also said “public money” for campaigning also would be another requirement for the PDP to participate in a status vote.

The House minority leader said he still had his doubts over whether a plebiscite will take place this year, because the NPP failed in its attempts to get commonwealth excluded as an option in the H.R. 2499 Puerto Rico Democracy Act—which cleared the U.S. House of Representatives but failed to win passage in the Senate—and then use its definitions in a local status vote.

As originally authored by Pierluisi, the bill established a two-step process in which voters would first decide whether they wanted a change in status. If they did, in a second vote, voters would choose between Statehood, independence and a third option of sovereignty in association with the U.S. that isn’t subject to the territorial clause. The PDP was able to get a fourth option of existing commonwealth included in the final legislation through an amendment introduced on the floor and approved by the U.S. House. If voters opt for the status quo, then the local government would hold a vote every eight years to determine if public opinion has changed.

“They want commonwealth eliminated because they know they will lose if it is on the ballot. That’s why they spent millions of dollars on lobbyists to get the bill approved, but they encountered a problem: the Foxx amendment killed their plan,” Ferrer said, referring to the amendment by U.S. Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.) that put the current status on the ballot.

The NPP is now holding out hope that the President’s Task Force on Puerto Rico’s Status, which is expected to release a report on the island’s status and economy at any moment, dismisses commonwealth as a viable option, Ferrer said.

“I don’t think that will happen, because the president himself in April 2008 recognized commonwealth as an option,” Ferrer added, referring to a letter then-presidential-primary candidate Barack Obama wrote to former Gov. Aníbal Acevedo Vilá.

Pierluisi told CARIBBEAN BUSINESS he expected the White House task force to remain neutral on status but to validate “our right to deal with the issue on our own and to relay the preference of our people to Congress, either after a plebiscite or a constitutional assembly.”

While the resident commissioner previously had pushed for following the definitions approved by the House legislation, he now says many possibilities, including a presidential-vote question, a yes-no ballot for Statehood or a status change, or specific petitions to the federal government, are possible. Other NPP officials, including Senate President Thomas Rivera Schatz, are pushing for a status plebiscite with only internationally recognized status definitions, which would eliminate a nonterritorial commonwealth option.

“We know the risks. You don’t want to be perceived as being unfair. You don’t want to see voter abstention,” Pierluisi said. “However, if you don’t vote, your view doesn’t count, so don’t complain about it afterward.”

Ferrer said another factor working against a plebiscite is that there isn’t much appetite for a status vote outside the ranks of the NPP.

“The Puerto Rican people don’t want a plebiscite now,” he said.

Pierluisi: ‘Status consultation’ likely this year

By : JOHN MARINO
Volume: 39 | No: 6
Page : 32
Issued : 02/17/2011
Wide range of options beyond traditional plebiscite under analysis

The Fortuño administration will likely push to consult the Puerto Rican people on status this year, but the form this consultation will take is still to be decided, Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi told CARIBBEAN BUSINESS.

New Progressive Party (NPP) officials have been waiting for the release of the President’s Task Force on Puerto Rico’s Status, originally set for last October but now widely expected before the end of this month, before announcing plans.

Pierluisi, however, said a wide array of options, in addition to a typical plebiscite, were open to the NPP Governing Board, which was granted authority during the party assembly last year to decide on whether to hold the vote and draw up specific plans.

These include a single-question ballot, a presidential-vote-related question, a Statehood-yes-or-no ballot, or a Statehood, independence and free-association ballot. Other ideas could call for specific petitions to the U.S. Congress or the president, or a simple “yes or no” vote on whether voters want a status resolution.

“There are all kinds of things the government can do,” Pierluisi said. “I don’t want to surmise what question or questions could be on the ballot, because I would be speculating.”

Pierluisi has previously argued for following the parameters of his H.R. 2499 Puerto Rico Democracy Act, which cleared the U.S. House of Representatives but failed to win passage in the Senate. It established a two-step process in which voters would first decide whether they wanted a change in status. If they did, in a second vote, voters would choose betweenStatehood, independence and a third option of sovereignty in association with the U.S. that isn’t subject to the territorial clause. A fourth option of existing commonwealth was included in the final legislation through an amendment introduced on the floor and approved by the U.S. House. If voters opted for the status quo, then the local government would hold a vote every eight years to determine if public opinion has changed.

Gov. Luis Fortuño and the NPP pledged to voters that they would aim for a congressionally sanctioned plebiscite within a reasonable timeframe and, if that failed, would undertake a democratic process in Puerto Rico. With general elections set for next year, many leaders say a status vote would have to take place this year to fulfill that promise.

“My hunch is that something will happen this year,” Pierluisi said. “It doesn’t serve anyone’s purpose to mix our status issue with our election process. One thing is the public administration of Puerto Rico and the other is our political destiny.”

While Pierluisi said it was naïve to believe status preference was totally absent during general elections, he argued that by holding a vote this year the status issue wouldn’t be “right in your face when you are electing a governor and a resident commissioner.”

Pierluisi said it was worth the wait to hear from the White House because he expected it to validate “our right to deal with the issue on our own and to relay the preference of our people to Congress, either after a plebiscite or a constitutional assembly.”

Senate President Thomas Rivera Schatz, however, has called waiting for the White House a “waste of time” and has been urging the leadership to move forward on the issue since last fall.

Politics could slow recovery
Economist Juan Lara, a member of the Governor’s Economic Council, told business leaders at two separate forums last year that holding a status plebiscite in 2011 would likely hamper efforts to lift Puerto Rico out of its entrenched recession.

With the island economy in a prolonged stabilization period, and only mild growth on the horizon, politics could spoil any recovery.

“It’s a poison pill,” Lara said. “It’s very doubtful that a rational, coherent economic-development policy aimed at the future of Puerto Rico could take place with a plebiscite.”

Rather than moving the island toward a status resolution, he argued, a status vote now would more likely be a referendum on Gov. Fortuño’s popularity and would usher in a period of politicking that would last through the 2012 elections.

Almost half of Puerto Ricans think current status should be changed or modified

By : FRANCES RYAN
Volume: 38 | No: 49
Page : 16
Issued : 12/16/2010

Almost half of islanders believe Puerto Rico’s political status either should be modified or changed, according to this week’s CARIBBEAN BUSINESS / WOSO Radio / Gaither International poll. The survey, consisting of 621 face-to-face interviews of a representative sample of adults from around the island, asked respondents if Puerto Rico’s status should be modified or left as is.

A considerable 47% of those polled said that in fact it should be changed, while 32% thought the island’s status should stay as it is. Another 11% stated that it made no difference to them and 10% either didn’t know or didn’t respond to the question.

The survey, conducted in November, with a statistical margin of error of ±3.9%, did reveal notable trends based on different demographic parameters. For example, a look at responses based on the region where respondents were from showed three out of five (59%) respondents from the Caguas region were more likely to agree that the political status of Puerto Rico should be changed, while 47% of those from the Ponce region showed the same tendency.

Gender also showed some divergence of opinion on status. More than half the men interviewed (53%) agreed with the need to change Puerto Rico’s status, compared to only 43% of women.

“Based on age groups, poll results showed a slight tendency of older respondents agreeing with the notion that the island’s status should be modified. Nevertheless, of those who said status should stay the same, the study showed the same tendencies with older respondents,” noted Beatriz Castro, director of Syndicated Research for Gaither International. “This could mean that older respondents are more decided and grounded in their position concerning the island’s status, which also can be seen by the percentage of younger respondents who didn’t know or didn’t respond to the question, which was higher than among those ages 55 and older.”

Respondents who came from midlevel socioeconomic backgrounds, Castro said, were more likely to agree on a status change than their wealthier or low-income counterparts. Consequently, respondents with midlevel incomes were least likely to agree that the status should stay as it is, while two out of five (39%) islanders who agreed it should were from low-income backgrounds.

Evaluating results based on respondents’ education levels, those who didn’t graduate high school were significantly more likely to agree that status should stay as it is, while 55% of islanders who stated it should change had a high-school education. Less-educated respondents were more likely to not know or respond than residents with higher education levels, while college-educated islanders were more likely to agree that it made no difference in comparison to their less-educated counterparts.

Referendum: Yes or no?
When asked if they were in favor of a local referendum given that it seems the U.S. Congress is unlikely to sponsor one, 41% of those polled stated they didn’t favor such an amendment, while 39% stated they did and a considerable 19% didn’t know or respond.

Respondents from the Arecibo and Mayagüez regions were more likely to reject a local referendum, while residents from the Caguas and Ponce regions were likelier to agree to it. Interestingly, residents from the San Juan-metro area were more likely to not know or not respond to the question. The outlook from a gender perspective on a referendum shows women are slightly more inclined than men to favor one, with 45% of men rejecting the idea compared with only 39% of the women asked.

Age proved to be a determining factor when measuring agreement and disagreement on the question, Gaither’s Castro noted.

“The older the respondent, the likelier they were to reject the idea of a referendum. In contrast, the younger the respondent, the likelier they were either to support it or to not respond,” Castro said. “This is an interesting fact, considering that older respondents are more likely to agree on a status change than their younger counterparts, yet reluctant to agree to a local referendum to discuss such a matter. This also could indicate a lack of trust in the local process proposed.”

Meanwhile, looking at socioeconomic levels, respondents with midlevel incomes were more likely to accept a local status referendum than their wealthier or low-income counterparts, while wealthier islanders were likelier to reject the referendum. Interestingly, respondents who didn’t attend high school were more likely to reject the referendum than more educated respondents.

Independence or Statehood?
With the commonwealth option taken out of the question, survey results showed only 7% of Puerto Ricans being in favor of independence, while 90% didn’t endorse it and 3% didn’t know or respond. Respondents who preferred independence came mostly from the Ponce and San Juan regions, also showing mid- to high-socioeconomic levels and a college education. On the other hand, men were slightly likelier to favor independence than women, and younger respondents likelier to agree to it than their older counterparts.

As for the Statehood option, half (50%) of respondents stated their agreement, while 40% opposed it and 10% didn’t know or respond.

Growing Hispanic political power could help status fight

By : JOHN MARINO
Volume: 38 | No: 25
Page : 28-29
Issued : 07/01/2010
Harold Ickes: Island battle could be transformed into one of ‘shared interest’ among stateside Hispanic [Latino] groups

Puerto Rico has a unique political opportunity over the next two decades to push its status agenda as Republicans and Democrats engage in a pitched battle for the support of the growing Hispanic [Latino] population stateside, a veteran of presidential politics told CARIBBEAN BUSINESS.

That battle will determine the future of both national parties, so there may finally be sufficient political capital to expend on the island status issue if it is embraced by Hispanic political leaders and voters stateside, said Harold M. Ickes, a former deputy chief of staff for President Bill Clinton and an important figure in Hillary Clinton’s presidential run and in current Democratic Party politics.

The best way to convert island status into a national Hispanic issue, he said, is by exploiting the future potential boost a state of Puerto Rico could give to Hispanic national political power with an expected six or seven representatives and two senators to be gained.

“It’s coming together from a purely political point of view. The increasing importance of the Hispanic vote will put pressure stateside on Democrats to do something about Puerto Rico,” said Ickes, who has been involved in helping engineer presidential campaigns for some 40 years. “If I were Puerto Rican, I’d be working the stateside Hispanic vote, which is still primarily Mexican. There is a real common interest here.”

Ickes also discussed his role in the current political battle over redistricting during a wide-ranging, exclusive interview with CARIBBEAN BUSINESS, which came as he visited Puerto Rico with business partner Janice Ann Enright to meet “old friends” and business and political associates, he said.

Although Ickes’ father, Harold L. Ickes, exerted enormous influence over Puerto Rico’s affairs as secretary of the Interior in the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the Clinton confidante said he first really became involved with the island when he began doing lobbying work for former Gov. Pedro Rosselló and his first Chief of Staff Alvaro Cifuentes. Ickes said his lobbying and legal services firm did some early work for the administration in San Juan, before joining the Clinton administration in 1993, but again worked with the government of Puerto Rico upon leaving the White House in 2006.

While Ickes said his firm is open to working with island-based groups, including government entities, there are no such concrete agreements currently.

“Come what may but we are really just meeting some people and organizations by way of Alvaro,” he said, describing Cifuentes as a personal friend.

The growing power of the Hispanic vote
The idea that Puerto Rico’s political power should increase along with greater Hispanic political might across the U.S. isn’t new, but Ickes contributes to the argument by defining the harnessing of that power as the key issue that will spell the fate of the national political parties over the next quarter of a century.

“The fortune of the two political parties stateside, both Republicans and Democrats, will be determined over the next 25 years by who is able to win the loyalty of the majority of Hispanic voters,” Ickes said.

Democrats have made “some progress,” but they should be doing a whole lot more strictly from a “purely crass political point of view” to press the argument that they represent the best hope for Hispanic interests.

Ickes said he is no fan of Republican political strategist Karl Rove, the engineer of former President George W. Bush’s two successful White House runs, but acknowledges he understands demographics and the power they play in politics.

“Karl Rove understands that the demographics of Hispanics over the next 25 years is really going to seal the fate of the two national parties,” said Ickes, who shares the belief. “Rove desperately tried to get the Republican leadership to really make broad efforts to win the Hispanic vote, but the hardliners in the party just slapped it down.”

Cashing in on political capital
Ickes said Puerto Rico will need to take advantage of the growing importance of the Hispanic vote (where it is now a significant factor in every state) to push status forward because, until now, presidents and members of Congress have been unwilling to spend the required political capital to do so.

“Every president, Republican and Democratic, gives lip service to status. They all say status is important. Every president will say we have to resolve the status issue. The question is how much political capital are they prepared to put into that. My view is very little,” Ickes said.

“I don’t think Clinton put much political capital into it. I can’t speak for the Obama administration; the House just passed a status bill…The president thinks Puerto Rico is important, but with an agenda of healthcare and economic revival, is he going to use political credit to try to jam a Puerto Rico status bill through the Senate? I think the answer is no,” he said.

“The question is, is the president prepared to go on, with a huge agenda of healthcare, job creation and energy, and really lean on the Senate to get a bill through? I’m not sure they are prepared to do that,” he added.

Ickes said Puerto Rican Democrats need to make the argument that if Puerto Rico becomes a state, it would be firmly in the Democratic party camp, enabling Hispanics to increase their leverage in Congress and within the party. Island Republicans could also presumably tailor the argument to their own stateside colleagues as the GOP also seeks to woo Hispanic voters stateside.

“You know if I’m a Mexican from Fresno, Calif., I might say ‘well, let me get on board here to resolve the issue in Puerto Rico because my calculation is that this will increase Hispanic leverage in Congress that will help Hispanics across the country,’” Ickes added. “Mexicans have a real self-interest in Statehood for Puerto Rico.”

Ickes said the struggle for the Hispanic vote is reminiscent of the Republicans’ concerted effort in the 1950s to win over the white southern vote, which had been in the Democratic camp since the end of the Civil War, when most Blacks joined the Republicans, the party of President Abraham Lincoln. The Republican tactics used issues like segregation and busing, which made inroads with whites, but at the expense of Black support, which then shifted to the Democrats, Ickes said.

“I think the same thing is at play today but in a different context,” he said.

Weighing in on the status fight
Ickes believes Statehood is the best route for Puerto Rico.

“Right now, Puerto Rico is in the worst of possible worlds because it is sort of a stepchild. It doesn’t have leverage in Congress. Yes, you have a resident commissioner, but the resident commissioner doesn’t vote. Plus, you have nobody in the Senate,” he said.

“I know there are passionate feelings and stakes on both sides of this, but the benefits of being a state far outweigh the commonwealth status of today,” he added.

Ickes pointed to the national healthcare reform bill, when the Senate treated Puerto Rico in dramatically different fashion than the House, “graphically showing how one senator can make a difference. If there were ever an example of the political benefits of being a state, this healthcare bill was it.”

Ickes believes Puerto Rico should use all the means at its disposal “that you conclude won’t be counterproductive” to push forward a status resolution, but clearly believes using growing Hispanic political clout for the struggle will be successful.

The Democratic fundraiser and political strategist argued that while his party needed to be pressed on the status issue, the Republicans were being “duplicitous” on the issue.

“The Republicans say they are in favor of Statehood, but they are just saying that. Look at how they vote on these status bills. They think that if Puerto Rico became a state, they would be disadvantaged politically,” he said.

The recent status legislation authored by Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi that passed the House by 223 votes only garnered 39 Republican votes, with 129 Republicans voting against the bill.

“The Republicans are playing a duplicitous game.” Ickes said. “This latest House bill shows that. If they say they support Statehood, then they should vote for it.”

Besides status, immigration reform is a hot-button issue, but Ickes believes the fight for the support of Hispanic voters will come down to “bread and butter issues.”

“Democrats typically do much better than Republicans on employment, job security, minimum wage, antidiscrimination laws…that whole raft of what I call the economic basket,” he said.

New battles for a political veteran
Ickes is currently involved in raising money for the Democratic Governors Association, which he believes is extremely important this year because once the 2010 Census is complete, a reapportionment and then redistricting occurs for congressional and other elections.

“Governors have enormous influence on redistricting,” Ickes said.

There are 37 governors, 19 Democrats and 17 Republicans up for re-election this year, and Republicans want to push their numbers from the current 24 to 30, with fierce battles expected in Pennsylvania, California, Texas, Florida, Ohio and Michigan.

He acknowledged Republicans are much more focused on the importance of governors in light of redistricting, with Rove, Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour and GOP political strategist Ed Gilleppsie out raising money. Meanwhile, Democrats could lose more than 20 seats in the House, cutting into its 40-vote majority.

“Rove & company think that even if we hold the House this year, through redistricting, they can take away whatever margin we have, so they are putting resources into the governor races,” he said.

Ickes said he is persuaded the fight is important enough to bring his significant fundraising skills to the table.

“It’s too early to say which party will have the advantage,” Ickes concluded.

Puerto Rico’s Secretary of State Kenneth D. McClintock means business

By : JOHN MARINO
Volume: 37 | No: 29
Page : 01, 16-19
Issued : 07/23/2009
Reorganizing the island’s State Department to actually ‘serve’ business; heading Gov. Fortuño’s overall reorganization of island government

McClintock means business

Multitasking secretary of State keeps his eye on Puerto Rico’s bottom line

With his thick Rolodex of political connections, built up through decades as a lawmaker, and as a leader of the pro-Statehood New Progressive Party and local national Democratic Party, Kenneth McClintock may just be the most prepared secretary of State in recent memory.

The move to the State Department was a natural for the former Senate president, who has been involved in politics since at least age 14. During his first half year in office, McClintock has clearly reveled in the pomp and protocol of his new role, whether it’s crisscrossing the island with Puerto Rico astronaut Joseph Acabá, welcoming visiting dignitaries or dealing with the travails and tribulations of traveling islanders amid mishaps from Beijing to Miami.

He has also opened the doors of the fabulous State Department headquarters in the heart of Old San Juan, holding a monthly art or historic exhibit to coincide with the wildly popular Gallery Nights, and contributing to the cultural life of the city.

Nonetheless, McClintock may ultimately make his mark through a quiet administrative revolution he is undertaking at his agency, which has yet to attract headlines but promises lasting impact. McClintock is showing he is one secretary of State who means business.

“We see ourselves as the oil that helps move the economy,” McClintock told CARIBBEAN BUSINESS in an exclusive interview. “If you don’t have that oil moving within the motor, the motor will stop.”

McClintock and his team are looking at every aspect of the State Department that deals with island businesses, aiming to streamline bureaucracy and enhance the experience for the end user. That includes the corporate, trademarks and commercial-loan registries, as well as the agency’s oversight role of examining boards.

The new secretary of State is also taking seriously his agency’s role in drumming up business for Puerto Rico through commercial missions and sustained contact with officials in potential markets for island goods and services.

He will also play a pivotal role in the Fortuño administration’s attempt to reform and streamline the massive Commonwealth-government bureaucracy, an effort expected to kick off in earnest this fall.

“We have a corporate registry. If we don’t have an efficient registration of corporations, that can bring the economy to somewhat of a standstill. If we can’t issue certificates of good standing, that can also bring the economy and financing to a standstill,” McClintock said.

“We run a trademark registry…we have commercial transactions registry…we help the federal government issue passports. If you don’t have a friendly place for people to go to get help to fill out their passports, that can also bring things to a standstill,” he added.

Stoking the economic engine
In his first six months in office, McClintock and his team have done much to “keep the oil flowing.”

Streamlining corporate filings may be the biggest and quickest accomplishment so far. Issuing annual certificates of good standing were “taking as long as two, three and four months,” but now are issued the same day or the next day. “Sometimes it takes somebody to come from outside and look at things,” McClintock said. “This simplifies things dramatically.”

The certificates are used by corporations to prove they comply with local laws and are authorized to do business in Puerto Rico. They are often required for loans and other financial transactions.

McClintock said he quickly discovered some 90% of all corporate-standing requests were repeat requests from the previous year, so he implemented a system that requires bringing a photocopy of the previous year’s certificate of good standing, plus a stamped copy of the corporation’s new annual report, which is the main requirement for corporations to maintain their good standing.

The simple solution was first resisted because some in the bureaucracy suggested this could allow corporations to submit false documents, but the new secretary of State argued corporations in good standing should have the same presumption of innocence as those arrested and facing trial for crimes have.

“Why suggest a corporation that has never had any problems with the government is guilty until proven innocent of falsification of documents, fraud and other crimes. Why don’t we assume the corporation’s innocence,” McClintock said. “If we later determine they are falsified documents, then we will throw the book at them. However, don’t keep 99.9% of the people seeking a certificate of good standing waiting three or four months under the old system simply because one in a thousand or one in million are trying to get by.”

There is a “resistance to change” within the government bureaucracy, McClintock acknowledged, with some employees still telling people the good-standing certificates were taking a month or longer. “So, we put up signs to remind them of the change,” he said.

McClintock made a second discovery almost immediately upon assuming his new role: that “tens of thousands” of inactive corporations on file at the department were actually active corporations that simply hadn’t been filing their annual financial reports.

To incentivize their return to good corporate standing, McClintock drew up a regulation allowing for payment plans for corporations in arrears in their corporate filings which, in addition to a $100 fee, also carry a $500 fine for each year a filing has been missed.

“There are tens of thousands of corporations in arrears with the State Department that will be able, in a gradual way, to legalize their circumstances,” McClintock said. “It also means some of the money the State Department is owed, we would be getting at least a part of that. It’s really nice to have accounts receivable turned into cash so, from a fiscal point of view, it is also beneficial to the State Department and the government.”

McClintock’s regulation grants three-year payment plans to for-profit corporations and five-year plans for nonprofit entities, provided they make an initial payment of 25% of their debt. The good-standing certificates they will receive during that time will be conditioned on maintaining perfect compliance with the payment plan and the corporate reporting fees and filings.

While the secretary of State enacted the procedure, he isn’t taking credit for the idea. That comes from a citizen who contacted McClintock through his Facebook page. (The secretary of State insists he will be as accessible an agency head as he been a lawmaker, which means citizens can contact him directly through “email, cellphone and Facebook.”)

A refrigeration technician contacting McClintock through the social-networking site said he wanted to get on the government’s list of contractors but couldn’t come up with the $1,800 for the back-filing fees and penalties he owed to get on the list. So, the idea of a payment plan was born.

“The Treasury secretary can authorize payment plans for tax debt, which is more important than fines for not filing an annual report,” McClintock said. “So, I asked why can’t I? As a result, we are in the process of drawing up the first payment plan, which I said had to go to the guy that gave me the idea through Facebook.”

Embracing the digital age
Despite improvements to Puerto Rico’s incorporation laws over the past several years, the State Department is still in the dark ages when it comes to technology, which McClintock, an Internet buff himself, knows all too well.

“Virtually everything here is manual. There is a little digitalization in the trademarks office. We want to digitalize as much as possible,” he said.

The reliance on paper records is the reason it remains a timely process for an entity to get a certificate of good standing its first time, McClintock acknowledged.

“If it is the first time you are asking for a good-standing certificate, then you will have to go through the process,” he said. “It’s tedious. Employees have to climb like Spiderman to retrieve files and then an analyst has to verify the documents are accurate.”

Like other cash-strapped government agencies, the State Department lacks the internal resources for a major investment, but McClintock said the agency is tapping federal resources through the Workforce Investment Act to begin the badly needed process of digitalizing records.

“We have already entered an agreement through which 40 displaced workers will be trained in digitalization so we can digitalize not only all of our corporate records, but also our examining board, trademarks and all physical records,” he said. “It will improve our ability to hand down certificates of good standing.”

The agency is also working on website improvements to make it easier for people to access its services directly on the Internet. That includes the incorporation process itself, which McClintock wants to bring up to the national vanguard, as exemplified by the state of Delaware, where you can register a corporation on the Internet, pay the fees with a credit card and have a preliminary certificate of incorporation online within minutes. The goal is to have that system operational by 2010. McClintock wants all new corporate registries from then on to be made in digitalized format and then to slowly work backward to digitalize existing records.

“Our goal is to achieve or surpass what Delaware has achieved. It will be a symbol of this administration, making it easier to do business in Puerto Rico,” McClintock said. “The first thing you do as a business is incorporate. If your experience incorporating requires you to go to a colecturía, which is only open during old banking hours, and then go through a series of two or three staff members, the message you receive is that there is a very inhospitable, bureaucratic environment in which to do business, right from the start. What we want to do is make that first step easy and simple. That will send a message that Puerto Rico is open for business.”

The push toward the Internet will also affect the agency’s role of administering the exams for 22 different professional examining boards. McClintock wants professionals to be able to request to take and pay for the exam online. He also sees his role as something of a consumer advocate for those taking the exams; he will push to have professionals given the opportunity to take the exam more than once a year, as well as for the delivery of timely results.

Another “chronic problem” is the agency telephone system, which McClintock calls “a big torture.” His staff communicates with each other via personal cellphones, having given up on the antiquated switchboard. McClintock said the system would be completely replaced during this fiscal year, as part of a governmentwide communications contract expected to save a lot of money.

“The new telephone system will make it easier, through voice prompts and so forth, for people to access our services right on the phone,” McClintock said, adding that a governmentwide data and computer system is also in the works for a future date.

Budget constraints
Like everywhere in the Commonwealth government, these are tough budgetary times at the State Department, meaning solutions to problems not only need to work but be cost-efficient as well.

McClintock’s staff communicates through personal cellphones because the agency doesn’t pay for any cellular phones at all. “We eliminated them entirely,” he said. “If I as able to run the Senate without one single cent being spent on cellphones over the four years, I think I will be able to run the State Department the same way.”

For the 2010 fiscal year that started this month, the State Department will get $3.9 million less than last year, a whopping 27% budget cut. McClintock said $1.4 million corresponds to nonrecurring costs from last year, which included the governor’s inauguration and the government-transition process, so it is really a cut of $2.5 million.

“We are everyday devising ideas to save money,” he said. One large area of savings will be from a cutback in rental payments the agency makes for external office space. An Immigrant Services office in Santurce was closed and moved into the agency’s existing offices in Old San Juan, and an Examining Board office building is also being closed down and will be moved to the Old San Juan location.

State Department offices in Arecibo and Ponce will get free office space from the municipal governments, and McClintock said an additional island office at another free location may open. Offices in Mayagüez and Fajardo are rent-free and will remain open.

While the agency pays for office space in Plaza Las Américas, it will be maintained because it is convenient to the public and will offer all State Department services, not just passports.

McClintock expects the savings through the new governmentwide telephone and data contracts will be “dramatic.” He is also investing in equipment so the agency moves away from paper records and toward PDF files for all records, which also will achieve significant long-term cost savings.

While travel remains an essential part of the secretary of State’s role, McClintock said he was being as frugal as possible here as well. The government of Puerto Rico didn’t have to pay for a single hotel night during the intensive legwork that led up to the recent economic cooperation agreement with the Dominican Republic.

“We are being extremely frugal. We took multiple trips to the Dominican Republic without hotel stays,” McClintock said, adding that he and his staff would take early-morning flights, cram in as many meetings as possible during the day, then take a return flight home that night. “We might have ended up like zombies when we got back, but the work got done at a much lower cost to the government.”

Diplomacy for business
A primary function for the secretary of State will be supporting efforts through diplomatic and government channels to drum up business for Puerto Rico and building commercial relationships with offshore markets and destinations.

“In the trade area, we fully recognize the lead has to be taken by Economic Development & Commerce Secretary José Ramón Pérez-Riera,” McClintock said. “The State Department provides major support. We do research. We put the strength and force of the State Department at their disposal.

“That helps bring business to Puerto Rico,” he said.

Besides the increased economic coordination between Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, the State Department has also arranged meetings with Israel, Mexico and Costa Rica.

McClintock said there will be commercial missions, but they will only come after a lot of previous work has been done. “The governor wants to do a commercial mission not as a site visit, but where you sign and finalize commercial agreements that have already been worked on before the mission,” he said. “It has to be the end of some transaction and planting the seeds for future transactions.”

In addition, McClintock said everything the agency does abroad will be done in “strict coordination with the U.S. State Department,” noting the U.S. chargé d’affaires witnessed the signing of the agreement with the Dominican Republic.

McClintock, who has extensive government contacts through his work via the Democratic Party and organizations such as the Council of State Governments, has also been put in charge of trying to get large government organizations to hold conventions on the island.

“We will do this for several reasons including to fill hotel rooms and to make use of our great convention facilities,” he said. “Bringing government officials to Puerto Rico increases their familiarity with Puerto Rico so, when you go on later to lobby them on behalf of Puerto Rico, they are much more amenable to granting the request.”

McClintock will also use his new post to lobby government officials on initiatives that could boost the island’s economy. Currently, he is building support among Eastern Caribbean nations for the island’s bid to win an exemption from post-9/11 security requirements, which have sharply reduced the number of international flights landing in Puerto Rico, which brought tourists both here and elsewhere throughout the Caribbean. The local government wants to get a wavier for passengers who are only changing planes in San Juan to other international destinations from having to get a visa and pass through customs.

While Tourism Co. Executive Director Jaime López is lobbying industry groups throughout the region, McClintock is working to build support among government officials. Last week, he met with St. Kitts’ foreign minister. “The response was extraordinary. They see it as a win-win situation. It helps Puerto Rico, but it also dramatically helps the Caribbean,” he said.

Getting other governments lined up behind the initiative could help win key support of the U.S. State Department. “They are not only doing it because Puerto Rico is asking for it, but Caribbean nations are asking for it to increase tourism to their region.”

“We are using all our influence. It will give the U.S. State Department added value in acceding to the request,” McClintock said.

Spearheading a government revolution

Secretary of State Kenneth McClintock’s ambitious agenda at the State Department may be overshadowed by his larger role spearheading a government reform as head of the proposed Executive Branch Modernization Council.

Over the next two years, the entity will forward recommended reorganization plans to the governor, who will use them as a guide in submitting legislation to a joint House-Senate commission that will make the final decisions on consolidating and eliminating agencies, as well as merging functions.

“Everything is open to discussion,” McClintock said, when asked which agencies could be merged or eliminated. “Obviously, no chief executive can deal with 130 separate entities. There will be opportunities to either consolidate agencies or processes.”

He said individual agency heads are already reviewing their operations with an eye toward improving essential services and eliminating nonessential tasks.

“I’m already bringing everybody together to ensure we are all on the same track,” McClintock said, adding his experience as head of the Fortuño administration’s transition team will be “invaluable” in accomplishing this task.

Also sitting on the proposed Executive Branch Modernization Council will be Office of Management & Budget chief María Sánchez Bras, Labor Secretary Miguel Romero, Public Policy Secretary Ángel Figueroa and Government Chief Information Officer Juan Eugenio Rodríguez.

The proposal, which the Legislature is expected to act on at the start of the new session next month, establishes a two-year term for the council and the legislative commission. The administration says the reform is essential in achieving its goal of cutting $2 billion in annual government spending while improving the delivery of services. While the Legislature has the constitutional authority and responsibility for creating and eliminating government agencies, the plan envisions the executive branch acting as a “partner” by providing lawmakers with a roadmap of recommendations based on direct management experience of the agencies.

The legislation, which also applies to public corporations that don’t issue bonds, mandates government agency chiefs review their operations, determine their core functions and offer options to the council to improve service and eliminate unnecessary functions.

That information will be submitted to the council, which will then make recommendations to the governor, who will then submit legislation to the joint House-Senate commission, which will make the final decisions on consolidating and eliminating agencies.

The participation of Government Chief Information Officer Rodríguez is important because technology is expected to play a large role in the reform process.

“One thing I am injecting into the process is I don’t see this as simply a structural organization. I see this as a reorganization of processes,” he said. “The big example is the certificates of good standing. The change required no structural reorganization. Through streamlining, we have taken a service that was done very slowly and are now delivering it at light-years speed.”

McClintock’s public life

Kenneth McClintock has been involved in politics practically his entire life.

At age 14, President Richard Nixon appointed him as delegate to the White House Conference on Youth and he later served under President Jimmy Carter on the National Advisory Committee for Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention. In 1979, he founded the Puerto Rico Statehood Students Association, serving as its first president.

A graduate of University High School in Río Piedras, he went on to receive business administration and law degrees from Tulane University in New Orleans.

He has spent most of his working life at Puerto Rico’s Capital, serving initially as a staffer and then getting elected senator in 1992. He would be re-elected four times, eventually becoming Senate president in 2004.

During his years as a lawmaker, he also established himself as a force in the Democratic Party. In 1996, President Bill Clinton appointed him to the Democratic Platform Committee and, in 2008, served on the DNC Credentials Committee.

In 1999, McClintock became the youngest and first Hispanic chairman of the Council of State Governments.

In 2007, he was appointed co-chair of Hillary Clinton’s Hispanic Leadership Council and directed, along with Roberto Prats, her successful presidential primary in Puerto Rico.

McClintock served as the head of the Fortuño administration’s transition committee before being appointed secretary of State.

Statehood gains ground as status preference

By : FRANCES RYAN
Volume: 37 | No: 27
Page : 12
Issued : 07/09/2009
Backing for 51st state edges ahead with 51%; Commonwealth support falls below 40%; 94% of Puerto Ricans have a specific status favorite

Statehood has gained ground to become the preferred solution to Puerto Rico’s status issue by a slight majority, according to this week’s CARIBBEAN BUSINESS / WOSO Radio / Gaither International InstaPoll, which consisted of 601 face-to-face interviews in June. The sample, smaller than the weekly Gaither poll of 1,000 face-to-face interviews, has a statistical margin of error of ±4%.

When asked specifically about status preference, 51% of respondents cited Statehood as their preferred option, an increase when compared with the results of a similar survey conducted in 2007.

On the other hand, 39% of respondents said they favor the current Commonwealth or Associated Free State of Puerto Rico status (Estado Libre Asociado or ELA by its Spanish acronym), a lower percentage than noted in the previous poll.

Gaither’s December 2007 Political Insight Study had revealed Puerto Rico residents were pretty evenly split between Statehood (47%) and Commonwealth (46%). The June 2009 numbers clearly show a modest gain in Statehood support and a sharper decline among respondents favoring Commonwealth.

This summer’s InstaPoll found independence was cited by only 4% of respondents as their status preference. This percentage has been somewhat constant in the past few years.

An interesting result from the latest InstaPoll is that 94% of respondents had a clear status preference. Only 6% didn’t mention any alternative, “probably because they don’t have a status preference,” explained Beatriz Castro, research analyst with Gaither International.

Fortuño pushes status bill at July 4 celebration

By : CB STAFF
Volume: 37 | No: 27
Page : 46
Issued : 07/09/2009

Gov. Luis Fortuño used part of his speech at Fourth of July festivities in San Juan to push for Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi’s status bill to address a “contradiction in the great American democracy.”

Fortuño, who presides over the pro-Statehood New Progressive Party, said the U.S. runs counter to its own constitutional principles with its political relationship with Puerto Rico as a territory.

“The reasons to support this bill are so clear that there is no reason to argue that 233 years after the Declaration of Independence and 220 years after the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, our nation continues to condone a government arrangement over four million citizens that is completely contrary to the principles enshrined in that declaration,” Fortuño said during the official U.S. Independence Day activity at Hiram Bithorn Stadium in Hato Rey.

The governor blasted the “anachronistic survival” of the territorial clause that Puerto Rico has been subject to since 1898, and expressed confidence Congress will approve Pierluisi’s measure. “We have to resolve, once and for all, this contradiction in the great American democracy,” Fortuño said.

The four-page Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2009 authorizes the island government to hold a referendum in which voters will choose whether they think Puerto Rico should continue its current status. If voters choose that Puerto Rico keep the same status, then the local government is authorized to hold a vote every eight years to determine if public opinion has changed. If voters say they want a change in status, then a second vote would be held in which voters can choose between Statehood, independence and a third option of sovereignty in association with the U.S. that isn’t subject to the territorial clause.

Both the Popular Democratic Party and the Puerto Rican Independence Party have come out against the bill.

 

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Para trabajar por la Estadidad: https://estado51prusa.com Seminarios-pnp.com https://twitter.com/EstadoPRUSA https://www.facebook.com/EstadoPRUSA/
Para trabajar por la Estadidad: https://estado51prusa.com Seminarios-pnp.com https://twitter.com/EstadoPRUSA https://www.facebook.com/EstadoPRUSA/