«¿Por Qué Hoy Puerto Rico No Es Estado?» – La Verdad Histórica – Pierluisi Ha Hecho Tanto como Barbosa, CRB y Similares por la Estadidad

«¿Por Qué Hoy Puerto Rico No Es Estado?» – La Verdad Histórica

Los que han estado Vendiendo el Plan Tennessee fueron los que han evitado que Puereto Rico sea Hoy Estado

Citas Legales que Establecen que los Procesos Eleccionarios son Regulados por los Estados/Territorios – Esto Prueba que el Plan Tennessee sólo se puede usar como parte de las Estrategias y cuando el Partido Gobernante Legisle el Proceso Descolonizador.

Por 45 meses han estado atacando a Pedro R Pierluisi porque no ha logrado la Estadidad. Pero cuando 130,000 PNP’s se quedaron en sus casas y al controlar el PPD la Legislatura y la Gobernación han evitado el proceso descolonizador que lograría la Estadidad. Si el PNP hubiese ganado en el 2012 Hoy Seríamos Estado. Todo Puerto Rico Sabe que Los Rosselló promovieron el derrotar a Fortuño en el 2012 por intereses personales

En la Constitucion Federal el Articulo I Sec 4 lee: The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

La Verdad Histórica es que Pedro Rafael Pierluisi ha hecho mucho, tanto como Barbosa, Luis A. Ferré, Carlos Romero Barceló y similares por la Estadidad

In the Heritage Guide to the Constitution:
http://www.heritage.org
/constitution/#!/articles
/1/essays/19/election-regulations

«The purpose of this provision of the Constitution was twofold. First, it made clear the division of responsibility with respect to the conduct of the election of federal Senators and Representatives. That responsibility lay primarily with the states and secondarily with Congress. Second, the clause lodged the power to regulate elections in the respective legislative branches of the states and the federal government, not with the executive or judicial.

Opponents to the Constitution hotly contested the clause during the ratification debates. The concern of the Anti-Federalists was that the default prerogatives to Congress would result in Members of Congress manipulating election laws so that they could stay in office indefinitely. Alternatively, Congress might alter the times and places of elections so as to make it extremely difficult to vote, undermining the franchise. On the other hand, defenders of the clause argued that if Congress did not retain residual power to control federal elections, state officials might effectively destroy Congress by failing to make rules for the election of its Members. As Alexander Hamilton remarked in The Federalist No. 59, «every government ought to contain within itself the means of its own preservation.» Hamilton argued that the provision was a reasonable compromise that gave Congress default powers that would be exercised «whenever extraordinary circumstances might render that interposition necessary to its safety.» In addition, the fact that Congress as a whole, and not any single house of Congress, was authorized to make or alter regulations under the clause meant that a national consensus between the people’s or «democratic» branch of the federal government and the Senate, representing the states, would have to take place before any changes could occur.

Since ratification of the Constitution, there have been many legal developments that have altered the provisions of Article I, Section 4, the most significant of which came after the Civil War. The Fifteenth Amendment (1870) prohibited voter discrimination on the basis of race. The Enforcement Act of 1870 had some beneficial effect in curbing the abuse of the electoral process, particularly in the South, but with its evisceration in United States v. Reese (1875) and United States v. Cruikshank (1876), Southern states were able effectively to disenfranchise black citizens.

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 resurrected tough legal prohibitions on racial discrimination in voting and transformed Southern politics and American politics in the process. The most important and controversial of the act’s original provisions, Sections 4 and 5, required states predominantly in the South (covered by Section 4) to seek «preclearance» (under Section 5) from the federal Department of Justice or U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia for any new voting practices or procedures postdating November 1, 1964. The constitutionality of these provisions was upheld in South Carolina v. Katzenbach (1966). The 1970 Voting Rights Act proposed to reduce the voting age in national, state, and local elections to eighteen. In Oregon v. Mitchell (1970), the Court upheld this provision as it applied to national elections but disallowed it as it applied to state and local elections. The Twenty-sixth Amendment effectively overruled this latter holding. The scope of the Voting Rights Act’s coverage has increased over the decades and continues to impose significant constraints on states covered by the act, particularly when it comes to redistricting.

In addition to statutory constraints, Congress and the people have altered the electoral process through the amending process. The Seventeenth Amendment altered the manner of conducting the elections of Senators by requiring their popular election. The Nineteenth Amendment prohibited voter discrimination on the basis of sex. The Twenty-fourth Amendment prohibited poll taxes in federal elections, and the Twenty-sixth Amendment gave eighteen-year-olds the right to vote.

Despite Alexander Hamilton’s assurance that Congress would regulate elections only in «extraordinary circumstances,» congressional intervention has been significant. In 1842, Congress required the election of Members of the House of Representatives by district. Repealed in 1929, the single-Member district rule was restored by Congress in 1967. Also, until 1929 Congress required that each district’s territory be compact and contiguous with substantially the same number of inhabitants. Wood v. Broom (1932).

In recent decades, the Supreme Court has stepped into the electoral process. InWesberry v. Sanders (1964), the Supreme Court determined that, despite congressional practice, Article I, Section 2, Clause 1, mandated that the «one person, one vote» formula be applied to each congressional district. Critics of the Court’s decision have noted that it ignored the language of Article I, Section 4, Clause 1, which appeared to leave questions of reapportionment and redistricting to the legislative, not judicial, branch of government. Under the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, the Court has also indicated that gerrymandered districts can be an indication of an unconstitutional, racially motivated redistricting plan. Shaw v. Reno (1993). However, the Court has not yet required, as a constitutional matter, that districts be compact and contiguous.Shaw v. Reno and Miller v. Johnson (1995) also highlighted the potential conflict between the demands of the Voting Rights Act for the creation of «safe minority seats» and the constitutional prohibition on redistricting in which race is the predominant factor motivating the redistricting.

Beginning with the Tillman Act in 1907, Congress has imposed a growing number of restrictions on elections and campaign financing. The most significant piece of legislation has been the 1971 Federal Election Campaign Act, amended in 1974. It was this legislation that was at issue in the Supreme Court’s seminal decision,Buckley v. Valeo (1976), which, in the face of a First Amendment challenge, set the ground rules for campaign finance legislation, generally disallowing restrictions on expenditures by candidates, but permitting restrictions on contributions by individuals and corporations.»

En el U.S. Code el Titulo 54 se dedica principalmente a las protecciones de derechos civiles en procesos electorales (entiendase los llamados «Voting Rights»). Pero la ley federal no estipula explicitamente que las elecciones son responsabilidad a nivel estatal. En vez deja esto abierto para que las constituciones estatales dicten lo que sea adecuado.
Vea esto: http://elections.uslegal.com/regulation-of-elections/

«The Federal Constitution provides that the times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives is prescribed in each state by the state legislature[i].  However, Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

Accordingly, the Constitution grants the states broad power to prescribe the times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, which power is matched by state control over the election process for state offices[ii].

Pursuant to the Elections Clause, states maintain a discretionary power over elections[iii].  The states are given and in fact exercise wide discretion in the formulation of a system for electing representatives in Congress[iv].

The Constitutional provisions embrace the authority to provide a complete code for congressional elections as to times and places, notices, registration, supervision of voting, protection of voters, prevention of fraud and corrupt practices, counting of votes, duties of inspectors and canvassers, and making and publication of election returns[v].

Thus, the power of the states for electing federal representatives encompasses nearly every procedural facet of a federal election.  The Elections Clause grants to the states broad power to prescribe the procedural mechanisms for holding congressional elections[vi].

States can within limits specify the qualifications of voters in both state and federal elections[vii].  The Constitution makes voters’ qualifications rest on state law even in federal elections.  A State may if it chooses require voters to pass literacy tests, provided of course that literacy is not used as a cloak to discriminate against one class or group.

In exercising power, the Congress may supplement the state regulations or may substitute its own[viii].  It may impose additional penalties for the violation of the state laws or provide independent sanctions.  It has a general supervisory power over the whole subject.

When the federal statutes speak of the election of a senator or representative, they plainly refer to the combined actions of voters and officials meant to make a final selection of an officeholder[ix].

Elections for President and Vice President of the U.S. are indirect elections.  The voters cast ballots for electors of the U.S. Electoral College, who in turn directly elect the President and Vice President.

Presidential elections take place quadrennially.  The process is regulated by a combination of both federal and state laws.  Each state is allocated a number of Electoral College electors equal to the number of its senators and representatives in the U.S. Congress.

The President is vested with the executive power of the nation.  The presidential election and the vital character of its relationship to and effect upon the welfare and safety of the whole people is an important matter and Congress possesses power to pass appropriate legislation to safeguard such an election from the improper use of money to influence the result[x].

Presidential electors are officers of the state and not federal officers[xi].  Presidential electors exercise a federal function in balloting for President and Vice-President but they are not federal officers or agents any more than the state elector who votes for a congressmen[xii].  They act by authority of the state that in turn receives its authority from the Federal Constitution.

By the Constitution of the U.S., the electors for President and Vice President in each state are appointed by the state in such manner as its legislature may direct[xiii].  Their number is equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state is entitled in Congress.  The sole function of the presidential electors is to cast, certify, and transmit the vote of the state for President and Vice President of the nation.

Control and regulation of state and municipal elections rest with the state.  A state is free to conduct its elections and limit its electorate as it may deem wise.  However, its action may be affected by the prohibitions of the Federal Constitution or in conflict with powers delegated to or exercised by the national government[xiv].

Congress has no general power to regulate elections in regard to state or local officers; rather, such legislation by Congress must be authorized pursuant to the provisions of the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal Constitution[xv].

Reasonable regulation of elections does not require voters to espouse positions that they do not support; it does require them to act in a timely fashion if they wish to express their views in the voting booth[xvi].

The right to vote is the right to participate in an electoral process that is necessarily structured to maintain the integrity of the democratic system.  The right of individuals to associate for the advancement of political beliefs and the right of qualified voters, regardless of their political persuasion, to cast their votes effectively, ranks among the most precious freedoms[xvii].

However, the state has a right to require candidates to make a preliminary showing of substantial support in order to qualify for a place on the ballot, because it is both wasteful and confusing to encumber the ballot with the names of frivolous candidates[xviii].

The state also has the right to prevent distortion of the electoral process by the device of party raiding, the organized switching of blocs of voters from one party to another in order to manipulate the outcome of the other party’s primary election.

In Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428 (U.S. 1992), the court held that common sense, as well as constitutional law, compels the conclusion that government must play an active role in structuring elections.  There must be a substantial regulation of elections if they are to be fair and honest and if some sort of order, rather than chaos, is to accompany the democratic processes.

[i] USCS Const. Art. I, § 4, Cl 1.

[ii] Tashjian v. Republican Party, 479 U.S. 208 (U.S. 1986).

[iii] Campbell v. Davidson, 233 F.3d 1229 (10th Cir. Colo. 2000).

[iv] Millsaps v. Thompson, 259 F.3d 535 (6th Cir. Tenn. 2001).

[v] Association of Community Orgs. for Reform Now v. Miller, 129 F.3d 833 (6th Cir. Mich. 1997).

[vi] Cook v. Gralike, 531 U.S. 510 (U.S. 2001).

[vii] Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368 (U.S. 1963).

[viii] Smiley v. Holm, 285 U.S. 355 (U.S. 1932).

[ix] Foster v. Love, 522 U.S. 67 (U.S. 1997).

[x] Burroughs v. United States, 290 U.S. 534 (U.S. 1934).

[xi] Walker v. United States, 93 F.2d 383 (8th Cir. Mo. 1937).

[xii] Ray v. Blair, 343 U.S. 214 (U.S. 1952).

[xiii] In re Green, 10 S. Ct. 586 (U.S. 1890).

[xiv] Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649 (U.S. 1944).

[xv] Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (U.S. 1915).

[xvi] Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428 (U.S. 1992).

[xvii] Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780 (U.S. 1983).

[xviii] Id.

– See more at: http://elections.uslegal.com/regulation-of-elections/#sthash.87htfr6G.dpuf»

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One Response to «¿Por Qué Hoy Puerto Rico No Es Estado?» – La Verdad Histórica – Pierluisi Ha Hecho Tanto como Barbosa, CRB y Similares por la Estadidad

  1. Pingback: El Plan Tennesse es una posible Estrategia luego de Ganar, pero RR lo USA como ansuelo y en esa forma es irreal | Estado51PRUSA.com — PR sin USA, No es PR; USA sin PR, No es USA.

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